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[PSYCHOLOGICAL AUTOPSY: AN EXAMINATION]
 [SOCIAL BEHAVIOR AT WORK]
 [POLICE ADDICTION: FACT OR FANTASY]
 [BIOPSYCHOSOCIAL ASSESSMENT]

 

Current Issues and Trends In Forensic Practice

Psychological Autopsy: An Examination

  

A Research Paper Presented in Partial Fulfillment

Of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Psychology

 

 

December 2004


 

Abstract

Psychological autopsies are useful in determining specific aspects of victim circumstances and mindset. This manuscript provides insight into what is involved and how the courts see the procedure as related to psycho-legal processes.

 


 

Psychological Autopsy: An Examination

     Psychological autopsies are an evolving and emerging tool for use in both civil cases and in criminal cases. It is useful in profiling victims for crime detection and perpetrator characteristics. It has been said to connect closely with victimology in that it lends more credibility to the profiling venue as a whole. Court admissibility is up to the presiding judge and cases have been admitted in Florida to date. What is involved in a psychological autopsy is the ability to determine the manner of death, which is described in five scenarios: natural, accident, suicide, undetermined, or homicide (Turvey, 2002). Two types of autopsies are performed: the suicide and equivocal death autopsies.

Psychological autopsies are performed by mental health practitioners in many circumstances, limited only by their experience and training in the specialized skills these endeavors require. In addition, forensic practitioners also work with medical examiners and law enforcement personnel in collaborative relationships. Forensic examiners are entering into this field as an adjunct to criminal and behavioral profiling and also for verification of manner of death for civil cases which include insurance and workman’s compensation investigations and cases, and for criminal cases.

     Historical evidence exists that demonstrates that psychological autopsies were performed as early as 1958. The Chief Medical examiner of Los Angels County invited two psychologists who were co-directors of the Los Angeles Suicide Prevention Center to assist in determining manner of death (Biffl, 1996). The reason for this was the enormous load of deaths being attributed to drugs (1996). This method of postmortem investigation has been further developed into categories and processes for modern usage (American College of Forensic Examiners International; Biffl, 1996). In fact, numerous investigations are performed on behalf of law enforcement agencies from the Federal Bureau of Investigations Behavioral Science Unit (Ellis & Lord, n.d.)

     A psychological autopsy may be performed to determine the manner of death, usually a suicide or homicide (Gerberth, 2000). A closely related field is victimology. The use of victimology, a manner in describing the victim’s characteristics, allows the examiner the ability to see how the mindset, actions, and activities of the victim correlate with the time leading up to death Holmes & Holmes, 2002). When profiling victims, it is especially important to look for clues regarding crime detection and perpetrator characteristics. An adjunct to psychological autopsy is criminal and behavioral profiling, since examiners are seeking answers to criminal cases. Because of this, they attempt to delineate those deaths that are not criminal yet unknown in manner.

     Medical examiners, law enforcement agencies, family members and others are interested in determining the manner of death that has occurred. This may relive tension, resolve insurance eligibility questions, or help to assist in finding a perpetrator. There are two scenarios to consider when determining manner of death. These are suicidal or unknown. Suicidal deaths are handled differently and are done in accordance with the Center for Disease Control (Turvey, 2002). Turvey claims that these types of autopsies are not followed with any legal or other forensic investigation (2002). An equivocal death autopsy, which refers to the unknown deaths, is the manner in which we determine how the person died when it is not readily known (2002).

     Psychological autopsies may be investigated by psychiatrists and psychologists or those with the ability to apply in-depth knowledge of empirically supported psychological theory (Turvey, 2002). They may also be investigated by law enforcers who have the skills needed to perform such highly specialized investigations. Those who have education training and experience in suicides may investigate suicides using psychological autopsies. Those who have experience and training in forensic aspects of death are able to investigate equivocal death psychological autopsies (Turvey, 2002). It also is suggested that mental health practitioners without forensic experience or training may be of assistance if teamed up with law enforcement officials with such experience.

When determining if the average person may understand this process, it must be asked, “How did those who perform this process learn to do so”? What is important when explaining processes and detailed reports is that the average reader or supplementary reader must have at his or her disposal the level of knowledge that is required, or, the writer of such report needs to be as detailed as necessary to inform while describing the report to lay persons or those in other industries.

According to Biffl, (1996), the court system is allowing more testimony concerning psychological autopsies to be admitted into the system. This is due to the fact that psychological autopsies supplies new information to the judge and jury that would be helpful in settling cases. However, there is considerable disagreement as to when this testimony should be allowed and how the court evaluates the admissibility of such testimony.

One such case involves the hanging death of Paula Guilfoyle. The outcome of the case was to determine if the deceased committed suicide or if the deceased was murdered by her spouse. The case was processed as a murder. The court decidedly disallowed further information, specifically information from a psychological autopsy to clear the accused offender, namely the spouse. The reasoning was that the “court refused to allow fresh evidence as to the state of mind of the deceased from a psychologist because, inter alia, it was based on one-sided evidence, there was no academic approval of his methodology and it was not appropriate evidence to place before a jury” (R v Guilfoyle, 2000).

The implications are clear. If evidence from psychological autopsies is allowed, it may allow further discovery to determine cause and manner of death. It may also allow further investigation into offenders who may have been the cause of such death if not the deceased themselves. Until courts begin systematically allowing evidence and testimony concerning cause and manner of death, law enforcement agencies, practitioners, and families are held hostage to admissibility thresholds. On the other hand, by cautiously and slowly allowing psychological autopsy information to be admitted, it may be filtering out much unsubstantiated and unempirical proved science to infiltrate an already complex set of procedures.

History again takes us back upon the journey from which profiling was borne. Criminal psychological profiling, as Ingram 91998) reports, has its roots in old mystery novels. Agatha Christie and Sir Arthur Conon Doyle’s crime novels (1998) spawned the curiosity of police detectives. The result was the psychological unmasking of crimes and crime scenes through psychologists for offender characteristics. Since them, the main agency in the United States that is involved in such procedures is the Federal Bureau of investigations Behavioral Science Unit. It is this historical precedence that has inspired the practice of profiling, and those practices closely associated with it, namely psychological autopsies and victimology profiles.

There is always the question of what agencies or organization support a certain procedure. As a practice, organizations are not publicly announcing the practice of psychological autopsies as an integral part of their standard operating procedure and practices. However, numerous agencies and organizations do perform these autopsies and with a high frequency. These agencies include but are not limited to: law enforcement and police agencies, medical examiners and coroner’s offices, psychologists, psychiatrists and other forensic practitioners. Suicide prevention organizations are also interested and pursue this practice because it assists in determining areas of prevention.

     The Federal Rules of Evidence (FRE) (2004) include guidelines that permit the court to decide who is eligible to testify and what qualifications one must have in order to be considered an expert. These rules, like most other rules, are interpreted by a variety of judges. This said, many exceptions deciding upon who may testify and what evidence is permitted rests solely on the judge in the case. The FRE (2004) state that:

 

“Article VII. Opinions and Expert Testimony

Rule 701. Opinion Testimony by Lay Witnesses

If the witness is not testifying as an expert, the witness' testimony in the form of opinions or inferences is limited to those opinions or inferences which are (a) rationally based on the perception of the witness, and (b) helpful to a clear understanding of the witness' testimony or the determination of a fact in issue, and (c) not based on scientific, technical, or other specialized knowledge within the scope of Rule 702.

Rule 702. Testimony by Experts

If scientific, technical, or other specialized knowledge will assist the trier of fact to understand the evidence or to determine a fact in issue, a witness qualified as an expert by knowledge, skill, experience, training, or education, may testify thereto in the form of an opinion or otherwise, if (1) the testimony is based upon sufficient facts or data, (2) the testimony is the product of reliable principles and methods, and (3) the witness has applied the principles and methods reliably to the facts of the case.

Rule 703. Bases of Opinion Testimony by Experts

The facts or data in the particular case upon which an expert bases an opinion or inference may be those perceived by or made known to the expert at or before the hearing. If of a type reasonably relied upon by experts in the particular field in forming opinions or inferences upon the subject, the facts or data need not be admissible in evidence in order for the opinion or inference to be admitted. Facts or data that are otherwise inadmissible shall not be disclosed to the jury by the proponent of the opinion or inference unless the court determines that their probative value in assisting the jury to evaluate the expert's opinion substantially outweighs their prejudicial effect”.

Many states have adopted these rules to apply in their own jurisdictions (2004).

Schultz describes the process of performing a psychological autopsy as one in which all bases are covered in detail (2000). He insists that “following peer review requirements so that appropriate clinical, quality improvement, and risk management needs can be met without opening all of the deliberations to “discovery” by a plaintiff’s attorney” is absolutely necessary(2000). Some may see performing psychological autopsies as an unscientific field; others are following peer reviewed processes that made this field credible through research and review. Like any other field, time and experience filters the scientific material from the speculative material, thus making the scientific literature from this field build upon itself.

It should be remembered that most fields of science had to prove themselves before being admitted in the courts. Case review and building upon past cases provides the impetus for doing this. It is with the careful processes of peer review into scientific endeavors that accomplishes this slow and arduous task. Blau (1998) reminds us that “Forensic pathologists commonly testify about conditions that existed prior to death, frequently in respect to the cause of death”, (p. 347). It is only a matter of time that psychological evidence and testimony relating to psychological autopsies and victimology is a common occurrence in death investigations involving our courts.

Since the beginning of time, lawyers and laypersons alike have been attempting to get new and varied evidence accepted into civil and criminal courts. Courts have demanded a high degree of validity and reliability on admissible evidence and more specifically in testimony from those they deems as experts. In the United States, the outcomes of cases establish precedence, which becomes case law. Case law is then used to support or negate the position being put forth by one side or the other.

Lawyers bringing experts in courts, law enforcement bringing experts in investigations, and families bring in experts in solving manner of death all have one issue in common. They are attempting to supply information to those who need explanation on how an individual died. In some cases, this information supplies details that would otherwise not be known. The information provided has helped solve manner of death and has also helped in numerous other venues when determining benefits of insurance policies and in workman’s compensation cases.

Psychological autopsies provide a needed service. They are empirically performed and are active in increasing the scientific literature. Professionals performing psychological autopsies are responsible for creating a methodology that enhances repeat success. Procedures that are performed in this process are evolving in nature, so professionals trained one way may not necessarily perform them in the exact way another does. It is not a perfect science. This is a main reason psychological autopsies are met with skepticism in the courts.

References

American College of Forensic Examiners International (n.d.) Psychological Autopsy. Retrieved on October 1, 2004 from http://www.acfei.com/ce-psychological-autopsy.php

Biffl, E. (1996, Fall). 123 Psychological autopsies: Do they belong in the courtroom? American Journal of Criminal Law, 24 MJJCRL 123. Retrieved on October 1, 2004 from http://www.law-orensic.com/psych_autopsy.htm

Blau T. H. (1998). The psychologist as expert witness (2nd ed.). New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.Ellis, C. A., & Lord, J.  (n.d.) Chapter 12 Homicide.

Nation Victims Assistance Academy: Office for Victims of Crime. Retrieved on October 1, 2004 from http://www.nvaa.org/assist/toc.html

Federal Rules of Evidence (2004). Cornell Law School. Retrieved on October 1, 2004 from http://www.law.cornell.edu/rules/fre/overview.html#article_vii

Gerberth, V. J. (2000, July). An equivocal death: Homicide or suicide? Law and Order Magazine, 48(7). Retrieved on October 1, 2004 from http://www.practicalhomicide.com/articles/equivocaldeath.htm

Holmes, R. M., & Holmes, S. T. (2002). Profiling violent crimes: An investigative tool (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.

Ingram, S. (1998, Summer). If the profile fits: Admitting criminal psychological profiles into evidence in criminal trials. Journal of Urban and Contemporary Law, 54, p. 239-266. Retrieved on October 1, 2004 from http://ls.wustl.edu/Journal/54/Ingram_.pdf and http://law.wustl.edu/journal/54/

R v Guilfoyle (Norman Edward) (2000). Case No.: 990180053. Retrieved on October 1, 2004 from http://www.homepage-link.to/justice/Gilfoyle/

Schultz, D. T. (2000, November). Defending suicide-related malpractice cases: A lawyer’s perspective. Journal of Psychiatric Practice, p. 345-348. Retrieve on October 1, 2004 from http://www.reidpsychiatry.com/columns/13%20Schultz%2011-00.pdf

Turvey, B. (2002). Criminal profiling: An introduction to behavioral evidence analysis (2nd ed.). Boston, MA: Academic Press.

 

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Social Behavior at Work

 

A Research Paper Presented in Partial Fulfillment

Of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Psychology

 

December 2004

 

 

Abstract

     Socialization processes occur throughout one’s life and end up being extremely important in adulthood employment settings. This manuscript describes some of the criteria for maneuvering through the various issues involved in socializing at work.


 

Social Behavior at Work

Socialization Defined

     Socialization processes occur throughout one’s life. How one perceives a setting and how they handle themselves in this setting is understood through social psychology. The Gale Encyclopedia of Psychology defines social psychology as the “…study of human interaction, including communication, cooperation, leadership, and attitude development”; the “…scientific measure and analysis of human behavior”; and the “…study of the way individuals behave in relationship to others, and alternatively, how groups act to shape the behavior of individuals”, (2001).

Self-Esteem and Conflict

In a study to decipher if self-esteem lowered anxiety when viewing vivid images of death, it was found that a healthy self-esteem was increased with positive feedback which in turn lowered anxieties (Greenburg, Pyszczynski, Burling, Simon, Solomon, Rosenblatt, & Pinel, 1992). In fact, the study can apply to a variety of human social situations. This understanding of positive feedback can be extended to those in the workplace over a period of circumstantial and situational changes in which workers have little to no control. Social settings can become more manageable with the use of increased levels of self-esteem. In fact, Greenburg, et al., (1992) report that self-esteem and coping or defense mechanisms are so intricately connected, that this is where an individual learns to create comfort zones for uncertain circumstances and situations.

     The workplace is a social setting where conflict often arises. Increased levels of positive regard in self-esteem help mediate the experience workers perceive. Since we are dealing with persons from all cultural backgrounds, we may need to understand that once at the workplace, there is a shared set of norms the organization abides by. This is so the organization may function as one agency and efficient operations may be pursued. In order for a shared set of norms of common beliefs to be followed and understood, the organization has to describe its reasons to its employees, and employees must abide by these norms or leave for alternative employment. When high self-esteem is part of an employee’s makeup, the employee tends to have an easier time complying with organizational norms or a better stance from which to oppose certain parts of those norms. Lowered self-esteem allows for better compliance however it also offers a negative aspect. When there is an incongruence in an employees level of self-esteem and their perception of a norm they are not in agreement with, the lower level of self-esteem is further negativistic, allowing a downward spiral of feedback to occur.

Compliance in Context

     Compliance is a social psychology concept and relates to the ability of one to go along with organization, authoritative, or group needs without a personal acceptance of the purpose for which one complies (Gudjonsson & Sigurdsson, 2003). This is a forced social behavior because the individual has the need to 1) please others; 2) protect self-esteem in front of others; and 3) to avoid conflict and confrontation (Gudjonsson & Sigurdsson, 2003). In their study, Gudjonsson & Sigurdsson (2003) found that lowered self-esteem was directly related to being compliant. The less self-esteem one has, the higher level of compliance one will participate in organizational matters.

An unusual finding was the way in which males and females responded to stressors when “mediating” anxious situations in compliance (Gudjonsson & Sigurdsson, 2003, p. 121). While women seek “social support for emotional and instrumental reactions and focused on and vented emotions”, men seek out “alcohol, drugs, and humor” (Gudjonsson & Sigurdsson, 2003, p. 121). This study gave credence to a reported lowered self-esteem level by women, which relates to coping styles. This difference can account for the ways in which the genders deal with conflicted social situations and when individuals have a need to be compliant or non-compliant in response to their social situation. In addition, this difference in gender responses can also be viewed from the perspective of gender relationships in authority, in other words, how balanced is the gender authority in relation to the gender subordinates and how does this effect the responses from a particular gender at any given time. However, the propensity to use humor is not necessarily a male trait. A New York City Police Department, Retried Borough Commander observes that females in the department also use humor as a way to “get ahead” in the workplace (N. Mula, personal communication, December 8, 2004).

Humor in Communications

Dziegielewski, Jacinto, Laudadio, & Legg-Rodriguez (2003, p. 75) quote J.C. Zinker (2003) as stating that humor is referred to as a “lubricant for social life”. However, they also mention that the professional arena is not prepared to handle humor and some believe it to be unprofessional (p. 75). While reviewing the literature on humor (Dziegielewski, et al, 2003) report humor to be involved in many venues, including education, music, psychotherapy, leadership training, medical settings, theater, literature, and is also referred to in the Bible. Dziegielewski, et al. (2003) quote A. Ziv (1984) as stating that “humor is often used as a self-defense mechanism to ward off anxiety related to avoiding one’s own shortcomings” (p. 76).

In this light, it is unrealistic to believe humor does not have its place in professional work settings. By permitting humor at work, it allows those circumstances and situational tensions to be less stressful and more positively received. The probability of others to having a reaction to a sense of humor, reflects their personal and professional backgrounds and their adjustments to life circumstances (Dziegielewski, et al., 2003). It is also said that humor shows a healthy psyche, which is an important ingredient in professional settings. For example, in critical incidents in police work, humor is often utilized to reduce the constant strain of ongoing investigations. Humor allows stress reduction to occur, thereby opening up resources from which to work more diligently without the added pressures of the job. In addition to relieving stress, it is noted that humor increases self-esteem (Dziegielewski, et al., 2003).

Connectedness to Social Setting

On a related issue, is the idea that connectedness in social settings has an effect on self-esteem and one’s ability to function at optimal levels. Lee & Robbins (1998) describe social connectedness as lifelong experiences that are borne through childhood development, represented by “cognitive representations”, (p. 338). It is these representations we build upon to increase out feelings of connectedness. If for some reason they are lacking in substance, our ability to feel connected with those we socialize and work with are diminished. By having a diminished capacity at work, our self-esteem is affected by a lowered ability to seek out resources we may need at any given time (p. 338).

Lee & Robbins (1998) claim the less the feeling of connectedness, regardless of the length of time we are in relationship with an individual or group, the less we are able to globalize a feeling of belonging. It is also thought that the higher level of connectedness, the more able one is to seek social situations that enhance “interpersonal trust”, thus increasing connectedness in the groups needed for growth (Lee & Robbins, 1998, p. 338). Should we not be able to utilize social situations to grow in social and work settings, our self-esteem is hampered due to missed opportunities otherwise available to us. In fact, Lee & Robbins (1998) claim that the lower the level of interpersonal trust, the more “likely [they are] to avoid or retreat from social opportunities that might strengthen their weak sense of connectedness” (p. 338) [emphasis added].

Forgotten Variables

What is not shown in these articles is how other aspects of personal attributes hamper ones’ ability or perception of connectedness, such as being overweight or being overly shy. An additional factor is that of personality and outgoingness, and how this contributes to belonging in a group of people where others have much stronger personalities than ones own. Since the overall ability of ones ability in contributing to participate in social endeavors, factors other than those that have been mentioned need to be taken into consideration. There are many reasons that an internal sense of belonging is not apparent however, the complex understanding of how various issues effect social abilities is difficult to embrace in one setting.

Additional factors that have an effect on social ability are those who use, abuse or who are addicted to alcohol or drugs, or those who have not been engaged in a certain profession for any reasonable length of time. For instance, mind and mood altering substances re-create one’s world into a fantasy reality and when they are taken away during withdrawal, they have a severe impact on how users perceive their world. This could be as simple as not having substances during the work shift. Additionally, those without longevity in the workplace who are considered beginners in their fields at an older age, have a different set of hurdles to overcome while also being part of the intensity in work settings. Social connectedness and self-esteem play a serious role in how one perceives they fit in the social settings that arise, regardless of what other factors come into play. In addition to these issues, there is also the consideration of where an individual is situated in an organization and how that affects the individual’s social status.

Social Status

Social status in the workplace is multifaceted. One manner in viewing the attainment of social status is to observe where in an organization one is placed structurally. There are implications that some positions naturally have access to those not normally accessible making resource exchange and knowledge management a tool from which to control social connections in the workplace (Mehra, 2001). Due to the limitations of social groups in reaching all individuals in the organization at the same time, certain positions within an organization allow those in the optimal position/s the ability to know things outside their usual social setting within the organization (Mehra, 2001). This ability to know what is occurring with others and other areas in the organization allows a bridging of information not everyone posses. It places this individual in sort of a power brokerage role and this individual benefits both social and in social status within the organization (Mehra, 2001). Certainly being in this role has a positive effect on self-esteem and self-concept and disallows the lowering of self-esteem to take hold.

In organizations, information and contacts are equalizers. When one has certain access others do not have, it allows a certain amount of power, control, or mystery to surround them. Some employees will seek to be near to or socialize with this power broker in an attempt to increase their own social status. Social networks like this exist within every organization and are an informal way of socializing both new and long time employees. An additional factor in social success at work is the self-monitoring variable (2001).

Self-Monitoring

Mehra quotes Gangestad and Snyder (2000, p. 546) as defining self-monitoring as an “active construction of public selves to achieve social goals”, (2001). What this means in action is that a person actively monitors themselves at all times so as to create a socially acceptable face in various social settings within the organization, and that in doing so, they create the persona of being capable, powerful and next in line for the position they desire (Mehra, 2001). These individuals are practiced as meeting conflict with compromise. They are also drawing from external cues from others instead of from within themselves (Mehra, 2001). In other words, self-monitors use the situation and social setting to their advantage, and invest very little of their emotional feelings in their decision making skills (Mehra, 2001).

Conclusion

In conclusion, the ability of one to maintain a high enough self-esteem in social settings at work is multifaceted. It not only includes their ability to draw on their lifelong experiences but also make use of their perception about where they fit or desire to fit within an organization., matters such as being able to be acceptable to others and how their particular personality fits in amongst current employees is yet another issue to  contend with while at work. Training by organizational consultants or taking personal training or therapy outside of the work world can teach individuals how to mask the undesirable aspects in order to cope more efficiently among their peers. This will increase individual connectedness amongst their peers and increase self-esteem and self-concept of their role within organizational settings.

 

 

References

Dziegielewski, S. F., Jacinto, G. A., Laudadio, A., & Legg-Rodriguez, L. (2003). Humor: An essential communication tool in therapy. International Journal of Mental Health, 32, p. 74-90.

 

Gale Encyclopedia of Psychology (2001) (2nd ed.). The Gale Group. Retrieved December 16, 2004 from http://www.findarticles.com/mi_g2699/is_0003/ai_2699000325/print

 

Greenburg, J., Pyszczynski, T., Burling, J., Simon, L., Solomon, S., Rosenblatt, A., & Pinel, E. (1992). Why do people need self-esteem? Converging evidence that self-esteem serves as an anxiety-buffering function. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 63, p. 913-922.

 

Gudjonsson, G. H., & Sigurdsson, J. F. (2003). European Journal of Psychological Assessment, 19, p. 117-123.

 

Lee, R. M., & Robbins, S. B. (1998). The relationship between social connectedness and anxiety, self-esteem, and social identity. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 45, p. 338-345.

 

Mehra, A. (2001). The social networks of high and low self-monitors: Implications for workplace performance – statistical data included. Administrative Science Quarterly. Retrieved December 16, 2004 from http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m4035/is_1_46/ai_75579315/print

 

Substance Abuse Therapies

Police Addiction: Fact or Fantasy?

 

A Research Paper Presented in Partial Fulfillment

Of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Psychology

 

March 2005

 

Abstract

     Substance abuse and stress create a unique set of problems when enclosed within a police organization. This manuscript describes processes for determining alcohol related issues with which police offices contend. Topics covering the organizational perspective of provision of intervention services from licensed mental health practitioners are explored.

 

Police Addiction: Fact or Fantasy?

Public safety and national security are two of the most vulnerable occupations in the United States. Without the trust and responsibility placed in law enforcement personnel, there would be no real law or order in the nation. Each law enforcement officer (LEO) faces the monumental task of meeting the needs of the citizenry. The inevitable outcome is that oftentimes, LEO’s are overwhelmed with traumatic experiences, and the stress these experiences bring, in the jobs that they fulfill. One manner of coping with these events is to use alcohol to lessen the level of trauma and stress.

To ensure that the nation’s laws are being upheld and enforced with integrity, and that persons hired are more suited for this field, pre-employment testing and other such tools are used to decide who will become a LEO. Future potential for alcohol and drug abuse is but one aspect of employment testing. In addition, there are tests being incorporated into the screening process to detect post-employment alcohol consumption, and other related events during the phase past the inexperienced LEO’s employment history.

Once an officer becomes comfortable in the job, lifestyle factors, job factors, and patterns of use of alcohol can be measured in post-employment screening. All LEO’s experience a metamorphosis during their careers, beginning with the Police Academy. New socialization patterns occur, and certain personality aspects are either heightened or lowered, depending on how the LEO responds to his or her environment.

In response to the needs of the LEO, various counseling services and referral resources have been implemented and utilized. This paper will provide a brief overview of employee screening, metamorphosis, effects of alcohol abuse, alcohol interventions and services for LEO’s and police departments, while also offering recommendations for standardized counseling services for all police departments.

Police selection

Pre-employment testing/screening

Pre-employment testing offers the police agency the ability to screen incoming applicants for suitability to the work of a police officer. An added benefit is that police agencies are likely to lessen agency liability by screening for potential problems. The most widely used psychometric instrument in personality testing for police recruits is the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) and more recently the revised MMPI-II (Beutler, Nussbaum, & Meredith, 1988; Simmers, Bowers, & Ruiz, 2003). In fact, the MMPI comes in a public safety version that is specifically geared for law enforcement, fire personnel, etc. (Pearson Assessments, 2004). An additional personality instrument is the Inwald Personality Inventory (IPI). A main feature of this instrument is that it indicates abnormal behavior, including alcohol abuse (Simmers, et. al, 2003).

Metamorphosis

Metamorphosis, defined in the setting of the police recruit, may be understood to be a change or conversion in social, occupational, and behavioral practices and norms. What occurs over a period of time is a conversion of current behaviors and habits to that which is expected of a police officer. This also includes drinking behaviors in a culture that is unique to socialization pressures. Over a short period of time, personalities are molded towards that of the group, specifically, the police group, including drinking behaviors.

Changes socializing behaviors

Police culture, increases the likelihood of “the initiation or maintenance of alcohol use” (Obst, & Davey, 2002, p. 32). This culturization begins with the training period during the Police Academy. In a study conducted by Obst & Davey, reasons given for the use of alcohol during this initial period include: “celebrate finishing exams, part of fundraising nights, socialise with other recruits, to help mix with new people, to help relax, to be accepted as part of the team, expected within the group, living away from home, living away from partner/family, and more money to spend on alcohol”, (2002, p. 36), and others may partake in use of alcohol due to its availability and opportunity outside of their usual routines pre-Academy. In addition, this study found an increased time with the new group of colleagues over that of their usual time spent with others, forging a solid alliance and an increased “enmeshment” of identity with this group (p. 37). Obst & Davey (2002) discovered that over time, drinking frequency and quantity increased. In Systems Theory, the ability of one set of social circumstances to change or affect another set or population provides insight into how socializations processes increase coherence to the system or culture being shared. This is also reflected in psychological changes over time.

Changing psychological patterns

     In an earlier study, Beutler, Nussbaum, & Meredith (1988) discovered over a completed Police Academy training, a two-year period, and a four-year period, changes occurred in psychological makeup of police officers. The MacAndrews Alcoholism Scale, a subscale of the MMPI, was utilized to discover high-risk substance abuse in police officers. The study concluded that with lessened ability to manage coping mechanisms to stressors over time, in which a “deterioration in psychological stability” (Beutler, et al, 1988, p. 507) occurred. In fact, Beutler, et al, concluded that the more time in the police force, the risks associated with stress and substance abuse increase dramatically, and that it is a preferred coping mechanism (1988). This study alone indicates the need for psychological intervention and education on an on-going basis within police agencies.

Measuring effects of Alcohol and Stress

Life-style factors

     Police officers, like so many other professionals, have life-style behaviors that either promote or hamper health. Richmond, Wodak, Kehoe, & Heather surveyed police officers covering five factors of health, separating age and sex. One of those factors covered was alcohol consumption (1998). Some of the findings were interesting: Men drank more overall; women drank to excess to keep up with their male colleagues; 18-29 year-olds drank at excessive levels most often; almost half in the study of both genders drank to excess; and no relationship was found between stress and excessive drinking (Richmond, et al, 1998). This last result indicates there is more to excessive drinking than stress factors at work, namely the aspects of socialization, peer acceptance, and indirectly, organizational acceptance of alcohol us.

AUDIT screening for, and patterns of: alcohol use

     The Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT) was utilized in surveying Australian police officers for “detecting risk of hazardous drinking and alcohol dependence” (Davey, Obst, & Sheehan, 2000b, p. 50). As previously discovered in the life-style factors study from Richmond, et al, (1998), the younger age group, 18-25 year olds, had the highest reported drinking levels (Davey, et. al, 2000). This study also identified males to be at higher risk, and females to be at increased risk in the policing industry (Davey, et. al, 2000). In a separate report using results from an AUDIT survey, Davey, Obst, & Sheehan (2000) discovered “lower ranking officers consume more alcohol”; “married officers consume less alcohol”; and “26% of officers reported drinking on duty”, (p. 211). These findings indicate a special need for intervention services for specific segments of police populations, especially pointing out the need for around the clock monitoring for on-duty drinking.

Impact

Organization and operational stress on alcohol consumption

     Organizational stress, not operational stress was considered in survey performed by Davey, Obst, & Sheehan (2001). According to other studies investigated, frequent reasons include the use of “substandard equipment”, “unnecessary paperwork”, “strict promotion system”, and “inadequate supervisory and management practices”, (p. 142). Additionally, culture within the police organization adds to stress levels whereby “drinking is encouraged and expected” (p. 142) in certain circles and at certain events. Another factor to consider is the covert operations that require police officers to partake in activities so they appear to be part of the culture they are attempting to gain access to (Davey, et. al, 2001). The main difference in this study is the inclusion of police officers subjective input on their feelings concerning the impact or the police organization and the increased use of alcohol (2001). This author found it interesting that socializing was the most frequently reported and that similar reasons for drinking mimicked those of recruits at the Police Academy. Mainly, social events, cultural expectations, and availability topped the list.

Job satisfaction and alcohol consumption

     Identification with ones’ professional role is an essential part of how we understand our own world and identify with the world around us. Kohan & O’Connor found that a positive affect related to a healthy self-esteem, and high job satisfaction, while negative affect translated to high job stress, high job dissatisfaction, and increased alcohol consumption (2002). This study included objective measures of emotional and cognitive aspects, core personal thoughts, feelings, and levels of alcohol consumption (2002). When covering a multidimensional realm of mood to ones’ professional identity, it is clear that researchers may assume an integrated and holistic approach is taken, thereby allowing a multifaceted understanding of the dynamics of how mood effects overall feeling of worth. This is an important study. Outside factors, such as poor policy practices in a department, independent performance in police work, and other organizational and operational factors that mark the need for officers the sustain a positive affect during ones’ tenure as a police officer. As discovered in this particular study, the more negative the affect or mood, the more frequently alcohol consumption occurs (Kohan, & O’Connor, 2002).

Provision of Psychological Services

Practitioner familiarity

     When considering provision of psychological services to police agencies, practitioners must obtain specialized knowledge of how police agencies function, their unique internal culture, and the stress and related issues police officers manage on a routine basis. This knowledge may be obtained by becoming a police officer, as a civilian practitioner through ride-a-longs, reviewing historical and current peer and professional viewed articles, and networking and obtaining access to those who work in police agencies, among other routes. Planning and cooperation among practitioners and police administrators is of utmost importance due to the fact that without police administrators support, the programming of service delivery will not occur. This may be accomplished in many ways; however, one main consideration is that of accessing and utilizing strategic police personnel at both administrative and line positions. This is important because of the need for internal support of the provision of services and also for the word of mouth attention line personnel offer to peers.

Police chaplain’s program

     One intervention program this author found interesting in the Police Chaplain Program implemented by the East Lansing Police Department (East Lansing Police Department, 2000). This program allowed access to police officers at all ranks, and provided needed and auxiliary services as they arose. A specific feature of considerable importance is the fact that barriers between line personnel and administration were infiltrated by Police Chaplains. Police Chaplains unique access to line officers and reporting their issues in meetings with administrators, provide the axis to which organizational issues bring upon stress for line personnel. This allowed administrators to review and restructure policy and practices to provide relief (2000). One disagreement this author has with this program is that Police Chaplains are not professionally trained nor licensed to asses or treat major mental health or addiction disorders, thereby necessitating the need to refer to consulting mental health agencies and practitioners when the need arises.

A separate but equally important matter is the informal nature of the Chaplain program. Even though the study showed intervention through consistent meetings occurred and solved problems, there was no administrative power for this segment of police agencies, and it disallows an active input into administrative events without approval of police employees. This is a major disadvantage since the stigma of mental health provisions in police departments is low, due to conflict and perception by these very police administrators who hold the approval stamp. Finally, the very essence of referring employees out is a reactionary system and only treats the symptoms of the cause.

Proactive intervention with In-House Practitioners

A proactive psychological intervention services unit would justify programming expense, lower liability and related legal expenses, lower health related costs, decrease sick days and employee absenteeism, and promote a healthy workplace. Chaplains, while having special functions of their own, are just not professionally trained for many stress related psychological causes that occur in the police population. In effect, Police Chaplains in this particular programming are only partially capable of handling health related matters occurring in police agencies.

Proactive intervention at the time of occurrence is an important aspect of treating underlying problems. For instance, a hostage negotiation oftentimes calls for communication skills and a level of health that mandates a calm outward appearance. Stress related matters connected with this event are taught to Chaplains through special short term programming. However, professionally trained clinicians practice these same skills on a daily basis, and over an extended long period of time. Should a specialized practitioner not be available in time of critical incidents, the Police Chaplain or other support staff would eventually refer out to licensed mental health practitioners, adding a second layer of expenses, and increasing the time in which the police client was serviced.

While Moriaty & Field (1990) in an earlier study suggested linking officers with mental health practitioners as soon as the onslaught of an issue occurred, and additionally recommended that EAP intervention specialists be utilized in a positive but mandatory manner, this author believes the integration of the mental health practitioner in the administrative ranks and line ranks of the department are the manner in which client services will be best provided. In fact, several major metropolitan cities (Miami, Los Angeles, and Minneapolis) have some sort of psychological services unit, or their services are on loan from a neighboring police agency.

Practitioner roles, such as mental health provider, organizational consultant, and operational consultant are but a few of the professional skills and services professionally trained and licensed mental health practitioners can offer the police agency. Intervention of substance abuse issues as well as organizational activities should take place with an on-going rotation of practitioners, who are familiar with the police agency and its unique characteristics.

 

References

Beutler, L. E., Nussbaum, P. D., & Meredith, K. E. (1988). Changing personality patterns of police officers. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 19, 503-507.

Davey, J. D., Obst, P. L., & Sheehan, M. (2000). Developing a profile of alcohol consumption patterns of police officers in a large scale sample of Australian Police Service. European Addiction Research, 6, 205-212.

Davey, J. D., Obst, P. L., & Sheehan, M. (2000). The use of AUDIT as a screening tool for alcohol use in the police work-place. Drug and Alcohol Review, 19, 49-54.

Davey, J. D., Obst, P. L., & Sheehan, M (2001). It goes with the job: officer’s insights into the impact of stress and culture on alcohol consumption within the policing occupation. Drugs: Education, Prevention and Policy, 8, 141-149.

East Lansing Police Department (2000, December). East Lansing police chaplain’s program. Department of Justice: National Criminal Justice Reference Services. Rockville, MD.

Kohan, A., & O’Connor, B. (2002). Police officer job satisfaction in relation to mood, well-being, and alcohol consumption. Journal of Psychology, 136, 307-318.

Moriaty, A., & Field, M. W. (1990). Proactive intervention: A new approach to police EAP programs. Public Personnel Management, 19, 155-162.

Obst, P. L., & Davey, J. D. (2002). Does the Police Academy change your life? A longitudinal study of changes in socializing behaviours of police recruits. International Journal of Police Science and Management, 5, 31-40.

Pearson Assessments (2004). NCS Pearson, Inc.  Retrieved March 24, 2005 from http://www.pearsonassessments.com/tests/mmpi_2.htm.

Richmond, R., Wodak, A., Kehoe, L., & Heather, N. (1998). How healthy are the police? A survey of life-style factors. Addiction, 93, p. 1729-1738.

Simmers, K. D., Bowers, T. G., & Ruiz, J, M. (2003). Pre-employment psychological testing of police officers: the MMPI and the IPI as predictors of performance. International Journal of Police Science and Management, 5, 277-294.

 

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SW604 Direct Services I

Biopsychosocial Assessment

 

A Paper Presented in Partial Fulfillment

Of the Requirement for the Degree

Master of Social Work

 

 

School of Social Work

April 12, 2005

 

BIOPSYCHOSOCIAL ASSESSMENT

(*Disclaimer: This is a fictitious client/family for purposes of practice in the biopsychosocial assessment)

1. Presenting problem.

Jon Masari is an employed, a 45 year old Hispanic male, who is married, with three sons. He is employed as a police officer in the Domestic Violence Unit and voluntarily referred himself to this agency. He presents today with anger and domestic violence concerns where he believes “it is escalating.” He reports, “I blow up at the most miniscule problem that other people wouldn't. I can't maintain my career and home life because I bring my work home, I can't leave it at work, and I just can't turn it off.” Mr. Masari claims there is a lack of communication with his wife and children.”  He reports, “I've witnessed the aftermath of children hit with cars, and my kids don't understand when I tell them to listen to me about safety, it follows me home and we argue.” His son, Jack, who was at the appointment, made remarks that his father was becoming intolerable to live with.

An additional concern involves a lack of marital or a social life outside of work. He claims he and his wife “do not like each others friends” and “argue daily.” Lastly, he reports he has trust issues with his employer. He is worried if the police department finds out he is having marriage problems and spouse abuse issues, he will loose the right to carry his handgun and ultimately loose his job and his retirement benefits. Earlier, when I asked Mr. Masari to enter my office, he insisted his son accompany him inside. His son appeared reluctant; however, he complied with his father’s wishes. Jack appeared fearful of disobeying his father by remaining in the waiting area.

Mr. Masari appears to be motivated to resolve his concerns. He stated “I am reaching out for help because I love my career, my family and I am scared of losing everything.” He is a likely candidate for anger management counseling, and family and marital counseling. Referral for spouse abuse counseling needs to be further investigated to properly address these concerns.

2. Statement.

            Mr. Masari states, “I work in the police specialized domestic violence unit. I see violence all the time but now, I see myself doing it at home” and “Instead of coming home and being peacemaker, now I am becoming the criminal. I don't want to be labeled as the bad guy; I need to have a good character.” As he was stating this, he was wringing his hands together, his legs were in constant motion, and his eye contact was poor. When asked how he handles his stress, he was slow to respond. He appeared at a loss for words and his facial features were becoming reddened. Beads of perspiration appeared on his forehead and upper lip, and his breathing became labored. He reports he is not sleeping regularly and is always tired from long shift work and court time. He also claims to be irregular in bowel movements, reports his eating habits are not helping this matter because “I eat on the run”, and is “repulsed” by his own image in the mirror of a weigh gain of 20 pounds. He stated his weight gain may also be due from his daily drinking after work with his police buddies.

            When asked how he handles stressful situations, Mr. Masari responded by stating, “I am bringing home my work, bringing home domestic violence work, snapping, kids hate me, almost slapped my wife, enraged and can't work.” He reports he is missing days at work due to being angry, drive aggressively when on duty, and coined his actions as committing “career suicide”, explaining he is three years from retirement. During this explanation, Mr. Masari was sitting, and then standing, trying to decide which he should do. His hands were in and out of his pockets, and his voice level grew louder.

            When I mentioned a few of his current physical actions to him and asked him what he was thinking, he responded by stating, “I get angry. I do not feel respected; I am no longer a hero at home or on the job. My family does not understand and I do not want to put up with my wife’s questions about my job anymore. It makes me want to stay away from home.”

            Mr. Masari orients to three in a mental status exam, and a GAF score of 75. His affect appears sullen and angry at various times during the interview.

3. Presence of past or current mental disorder.

            Mr. Masari denies any previous or current mental history. He also denies having a drinking problem or any history of drinking problems. Mr. Masari did indicate he has had high stress levels for approximately three years and places it around the time of his joining the domestic violence unit in his department. He claims he did not ask for help through his department employee assistance plan because he is afraid of losing his job if he is seen for mental health.

            When questioned on how he responds to his stress levels when high, he reported not going home. He states he likes to unwind at the bar and “de-stress” the shift before heading home after a few beers. He denies having issues with his work colleagues and enjoys their company both during and after work hours.

            He did offer that he has become more judgmental and less trusting of people, and has become more cynical of human behavior. He stated he is better off staying with his own kind and not getting familiar with people from other walks of life due to the prospect of finding disappointment in those types of relationships. He stated, “All of my friends are police officers. I do not trust others and cannot relate to them.” He did recognize how limiting this felt for him and stated he did not know how to create the time for these friendships.

            Mr. Masari claims he leaves the home when he and his wife argue. He believes leaving is the best way to handle his frustration at the time and admits he has no other manner in handling arguments. He reports having a few beers at the club to help him relieve his anger. He also reports arguing at events he and his wife have attended and states he leaves her there if she refuses to leave when him when they are arguing. Mr. Masari added, “It is sometimes hard to turn the cop in me off.”

4. History of the problem.

            Mr. Masari denies having a history of temper breakouts and claims he was withdrawn as a younger man. He claims his inability to cope with his job and home stress has been building over the past two to three years since he joined the domestic violence unit. Over the last few months he has been lacking sleep and missing work on almost a daily basis. He reports not getting his work accomplished and has had supervisory comments regarding this. He states he has been reacting to these stressors at work and home in the current manner for the past couple of months. He reported having a heavy shift load at work with all the vacations and sick days of junior officers, and was left picking up the slack. During this period of time, there were three fatalities in the domestic violence case calls. He denies being debriefed during or after these incidents.

            Mr. Masari reports having no one to talk to at work about the stress that builds. He claims since he is in a supervisor position, he is expected to handle all that comes his way without overloading or “crying” on someone else’s shoulder, since the other supervisor’s have the same work loads. He reports “little things set me off”, such as his son calling him at work for allowance money, his junior officers not filling in their reports correctly or completely, or his own ability to accomplish a shift of work during the time frame he is expected. He reports the stressors get so severe at times during work; he excuses himself to the men’s room to calm down.

            Mr. Masari stated, “I feel lousy, disgusting, like I'm not achieving what I should achieve as role model of the community. I even used to look good but now I am an old man.” He also reports having a “love-hate relationship” with himself. He claims he has no one to confide in, even though he de-stresses with colleagues after work.

Mr. Masari’s eldest son, Jack, who accompanied his father to the appointment, reports “My dad is just too hard. I can't do anything without being under the police eye, can't go anywhere, got to be home, in jail. My dad accuses me of drugs and crime, he hits me, and he has a gun. I am afraid of my dad and he yells at mom.” Jack denies seeing his father hit his mother.

5. Efforts and patterns of coping outcomes.

            Mr. Masari appears to be overwhelmed with work obligations due to stressors he is not coping correctly with. He appears to be isolating himself instead of relieving his pressure through constructive conversation with another or with a professional. While he does appear to have somewhat of a handle on masking his stress at work, it appears he is escalating at home and is fearful of abusing his family. His leaving the home for beer and leaving the work area for men’s room break is not allowing him the ability to de-stress for long periods of time.

He reports he used to be able to talk to his wife about stressors but then things changed. His lack of trust on the job with the cases he is now handling has given him pause to believe anyone else can be trusted. He claims he is reminded of his father on many of these calls.

Mr. Masari has positive feelings towards himself that are evident in his voluntary schedule and appear at his scheduled appointment today. His apparent willingness to approach a counselor about his inability to handle his tress is also favorable. In addition, Mr. Masari recognizes he may be repeating his father’s action in abuse and has honestly reported his actions while seeking help to become a better person. He appears motivated to “save” his family and his job and is seeking assistance.

6. History or background.

Mr. Masari is the oldest of three siblings. He has two younger sisters. His father was a military man and a retired taxi driver. His mother was home during his childhood. The family existed on a low income and lived in a private apartment complex.

Through special programs, he and his siblings attended private schools in parochial catholic for four years each. Afterwards, they attended public schools. Mr. Masari graduated High School with average grades. He reports he was in trouble at school only a couple of times in fights on the playground “because I was a shrimp.” He reports reading at a fourth grade level while he was in eighth grade and has remediated himself to a higher level of reading since that time. He denies needing eye glasses, reports having no dentures, nor venereal disease history.

Mr. Masari is both of Puerto Rican and Italian decent. He reports his father “drank like a fish” and he did not like it. He also reports his father argued with his mother and stated he seems to be repeating his father’s actions. He reports his current income is comfortable but in the desire to get ahead he works overtime and he and his wife argues constantly. He states he was raised in a strict home where his father ruled over everyone. He appears to acknowledge his actions are repeating his own father and reports he is “disgusted” with himself for becoming this way.

7. Current functioning.

Mr. Masari lives in his marital home with his wife Amelia, his son Jack, age 20, his son Steve age 15, and his son Bob age 11. He has remained in the marital home since he and his wife were legally married in the Catholic Church 23 years ago. His employment history is solid for the past 17 years as a police officer. Prior to this, Mr. Masari worked seasonal and part time positions as a library clerk, grocery store clerk, and a mail clerk at a chemical company, all totaling 2 years time. He claims his income level is usual for a person with his time and rank in the department, yet he failed to disclose this information at this particular time.

            Together as a family, activities that are shared are through the police department softball team and the wives auxiliary group. He reports his family visited Disneyland and Six Flags, however, he claims they still have “constant arguments during these vacations.

Individually, Mr. Masari enjoys attending guns shows, window shopping cars, and sporting events. He and his family attend religious activities weekly and on Holy days in the Catholic faith. Together they also attend annual activities such as the Sangenaro Festival, celebrating an Italian Saint and in sharing their Italian ancestry. They also participate in activities surrounding their shared ancestry through activities surrounding the Puerto Rican parade in the summer.

Lately, Mr. Masari claims to be lacking sleep and increasing in absenteeism at work. He also reports a weight gain and feeling generally run down physically. He reports he has no support system outside his immediate family. He believes he might be able to receive assistance through his employer; however, he lacks trust in confidentiality issues and fears job loss.

8. Developmental stage.

Mr. Masari is age 45, middle-aged and appears physically fit. He does not appear outwardly to expressions of a midlife crisis. There were no complaints sexually so this area of functioning is unknown at this time. At this stage in his development, his increased level of social connectedness appears to be extremely low and is creating stress in his life. There appears to be a lag between his ability to achieve the level of satisfaction in his career by protecting those he serves and it appears to be affecting his life and relationships at home. He reports not being able to get things done he believes are important due to the level of stress he is experiencing. He has established a solid level of income and has accomplished meeting his and his family’s financial needs. 

9. Summary statement.

            Mr. Masari expressed the need for assistance in coping with his stress level and his frustration. He states he desires to become a “better man” than he is presently and that he does not desire to repeat his father’s actions. He is also drinking daily and appears to have no understanding of how this may affect his relationship with his family or his level of functioning.

            Mr. Masari needs stress reduction counseling. Without this he will continue on his destructive path and possibly create health problems, work problems, and the abuse issues at home may increase. He also needs psychosocial education in aspects of socializing with peers outside of his work industry in an effort to bring harmony with his wife and family.

Mr. Masari’s lack of trust in his eldest son should prove fruitful with family counseling and help in establishing a better manner of parenting with stages of trust both he and his son may experience. He also needs family marital counseling to assist in communication styles with his wife.

Mr. Masari may additionally benefit from occupational counseling or counseling that will benefit his level of functioning at work when workloads are overwhelming and traumatic. The apparent lack of debriefing his department is not addressing is effecting his processing of traumatic experiences, thus adding to the stress levels at both work and home.

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